The most recent version of the Global Study on Homicide prepared by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime shows that Central America has the dubious honor of being one of the most violent regions in the world. Honduras leads the ranking of the countries with highest murder rate with 86 homicides per every 100.000 inhabitants, followed by El Salvador with 71 homicides per every 100.000 inhabitants. A notable exception in the region (aside from Costa Rica) is Nicaragua. Despite being the poorest Central American country, it has emerged as a surprising safe haven.  The comparison between the security situation in Nicaragua and its neighbor countries questions the effectiveness of the Mano dura (iron fist) approach prescribed and implemented by several countries in the region. An increase in the number of police, the emergence of ‘vigilante’ groups or the use of the military to combat criminals has not improved public safety. In fact it has made things worse. 

The negative effect of the shock and awe approach to security in the region has its best example in Mexico. In a recent article in the Spanish newspaper El Pais, Andres Oppenheimer mentions that the drug war in this country has left a death toll of 47,515 people during the last five years. More than the war in Iraq and twice the number of casualties in Afghanistan during the same period. One would think this situation certainly poses a significant threat, not only to regional security, but directly to US national security. Yet, surprisingly not a word was mentioned about this during President Obama’s recent state of the union address. 

Mexicans' fears for their personal safety have increased not only due to the surge of criminal gangs but to the violent actions of some members of the security forces. A recent report by Human Rights Watch indicates that Mexico’s military and police have committed widespread human rights violations in efforts to combat organized crime, virtually none of which are being adequately investigated. More policing does not necessarily translate into more safety. 

As the Nicaragua case suggests, security policies should be as much about law enforcement as about changing minds and hearts. It is necessary to work directly with the youth and other groups at risk of falling in the trap of criminal gangs, understand their needs, their motivations and be able to provide alternatives.

Darynell Rodriguez Torres

Conflict Analyst

Programme Manager Policy and Advocacy

Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict, (GPPAC)

Regarding “Egyptians gather in Cairo to mark uprising”, 25.01.2012, opinions reported from Tahrir Square differed widely as to what should be celebrated – but giving the anniversary an early label may endanger the inclusiveness of the transition process altogether.

One year after the first protestors gathered on Cairo’s Tahrir Square, Egypt is in a state of flux. While people may begin to desire more clarity on the country’s future setup, the current state of affairs also means a state of opportunity – of trying and testing ways of political cooperation and representation as part of a process that is inclusive to those who seek to participate.

The photos of the celebrations showed men and women, young and old gathered in Cairo – yet the voices of those who put a claim to what is being celebrated are predominantly men. Women and youth groups both played important parts in the 2011 uprising and they will want to have a say in its results too. A number of Egyptians find that the uprising has not reached its true goals yet – this is a chance to reach out to groups that were largely unheard in the celebrations.

With parliamentary elections just finished, international eyes are on Egypt too – and they tend to try and identify the winners of the 2011 uprising. This encourages individuals and groups in Egypt to adopt a limited view on who is involved in the country’s transition process. Those who feel excluded will push to get back into the game; and the means they use will likely depend on how strongly they feel excluded.

Whether inside or outside of Egypt, one is best off waiting another year to give the uprising anniversary a name and a result. It’s not a done job yet, and there are still vacancies for those willing to work on it.

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Sir, let us for a moment consider the importance of the involvement of the Arab League in Syria. (“Gulf Arab States to pull observers from Syria” January 24). There are three main reasons of why the Arab League’s observer mission in Syria must continue.

First, solutions must be found regionally as the solution – change must come from within the region and not from the international community. This is also what the Syrian government wants, as it has only accepted the involvement of the Arab League.

Second, internationalizing the situation could have severe consequences and backfire. Look at what happened in Libya and where it is today. NATO’s involvement was a quick answer to the conflict, resulting in deaths including that of Gaddafi . Almost half a year on, Libya has been left to their own fate, still facing flare-ups of violence and having no clear vision or leadership on how to move forward.

Third, Arab League’s involvement and mediation efforts could increase its credibility which has been questioned so far. By mediating this process and change, the Arab League can become a serious global player.
It is time for the Arab League to step up and for the international community to allow them to do so.
 

26 Jan. 2012

By Marte Hellema, Sharon Bhagwan Rolls and Augusto Miclat Jr.

In ‘Bougainville President talks of visit to former Philippines insurgents’ of Jan. 24, 2012, it is encouraging to hear President John Momis recognize that help is needed, but post-conflict reconstruction processes cannot be copy-pasted. Although the eagerness of Bougainville for foreign assistance  on something they have never been helped with before is understandable, blindly following foreign experts might proof futile.

Firstly, post-conflict reconstruction processes are inherently complex and need to fit all the specific realities of a conflict. What works in one place, does not necessarily work for another. Where in one place exchanging guns for agricultural tools can be effective, in another it might not fit with a more urban oriented population. Lessons have been learned that can be reflected on to extract what works for Bougainville. 

Secondly, it is disputable whether Mindanao is the right example to follow, given that the conflict there is far from over. Although, there might be individual stories that can be taken as inspiration, overall to compare the situation there to a post-conflict context would be a an overestimation of the current peace process in Mindanao.

What should be focused on are the different local initiatives that the President also mentioned. These need to be carried by local civil society organizations. In particular women’s organizations that came to be as a response to the war, like the Leitana Nehan Women's Development Agency. Not only do they have the necessary knowledge and experience, but their position in society is grounded in the traditional values of Bougainville as a matrilineal society.

If the local initiatives are enhanced with support from abroad, then Bougainville can find its own peace that is not copy-pasted from somewhere else.

Marte Hellemais Regional Coordinator Asia Pacific for the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC). Sharon Bhagwan Rolls is Executive Director of FemLINKPacific (Fiji) and GPPAC Pacific Regional Representative. Augusto Miclat is Executive Director of Initiatives for International Dialogue (Mindanao, the Philippines) and GPPAC Southeast Asia Regional Representative.